Saïd Bissaha: 10 Years in prison for opinion crimes

The criminal appeals court of Tizi-Ouzou has confirmed this week the ten-year firm prison sentence of Saïd Bissaha, a historic activist of the Rally for Culture and Democracy (RCD) originally from Bouzeguène in Kabylie. The information was communicated by his two lawyers, Me Alili Yamina and Me Hakim Saheb, following a hearing described as particularly harrowing for the convicted man’s family and loved ones.

A life of activism

At 74 years old, Saïd Bissaha is known for his long-standing commitment within the RCD and for his defense of human rights and individual liberties. His lawyers recall that he was among those who, during the 1990s, chose to publicly oppose armed Islamism at a time when many opted for caution and silence.

Before the judges, he reportedly grasped the full impact of his sentence given his age, describing it as a disguised life sentence—a phrase since adopted and widely commented on by those following his case.

Mobilization limited to lawyers and loved ones

At this stage, the only public stances taken regarding this affair have come from his inner circle: his lawyers and activists or sympathizers who have relayed the matter on social networks, particularly Facebook, describing an injustice that they argue extends beyond Saïd Bissaha’s individual case.

Conversely, no reaction has yet been identified from historic figures or the current leadership of the RCD. Neither its founders, nor Mohcine Belabbas (who served as president for several years), nor the current leadership led by Atmane Mazouz appear to have spoken publicly on this file to date. This silence contrasts with the reactivity these same personalities demonstrated in the past regarding other cases affecting party cadres, such as the lifting of Mohcine Belabbas’s parliamentary immunity in 2020 or his own six-month firm prison sentence confirmed on appeal in July 2025—two episodes that previously prompted official RCD press releases.

This contrast raises questions among some activists, who see it as another sign of the internal divisions running through the party in recent years between the historic wing close to its founders and the current leadership. However, more official reactions may still occur in the coming days, as the case is very recent.

Furthermore, this silence is not restricted to the RCD alone. Media outlets and bodies close to the Kabyle independence movement also do not appear to have covered the file to date, even though these platforms usually maintain an updated list of Kabyle political prisoners and broadly cover judicial cases affecting activists in the region. This silence can be partly explained by the distance, if not rivalry, that has long separated the independence movement from the RCD—a party it often labels as “Algerianist” because it remains attached to the Algerian national framework rather than Kabyle self-determination. Nevertheless, it illustrates a form of fragmentation within the Kabyle activist landscape, where judicial cases affecting figures from a given political current rarely prompt cross-cutting solidarity.

A case part of a broader climate

Bissaha’s case occurs in a context that several human rights organizations and parts of the independent Algerian press describe as a hardening stance toward critical voices, whether political, unionist, or associative. Several recent files—including those of Mohcine Belabbas or railway unionist Lounis Saïdi—have been cited in recent months by civil society actors as illustrations of this trend.

For Saïd Bissaha’s lawyers, this conviction goes beyond their client’s individual case, raising the broader question of the fate currently reserved for political activists in Kabylie and Algeria, particularly older figures for whom firm prison sentences can effectively amount to life sentences.

Saïd Bissaha was prosecuted over accusations linked to opinion posts on Facebook, which were legally qualified by the Algerian judiciary. The exact charges are not always clearly detailed in public reports, but they generally fall under classifications used against activists in recent years, such as:

• Undermining national unity
• Participating in an organization or activity deemed subversive or illegal
• Disseminating or possessing content considered harmful to institutions

His lawyers dispute the nature of these accusations, arguing that they stem from political expression and activism rather than criminal offenses in the strict sense.