Israel vs. Iran: Ferhat Mehenni’s statement

The president of the Kabyle government in exile, Ferhat Mehenni, recently took a stance on the ideological and strategic confrontation between Israel and the Iran of the mullahs. For him, Israel, facing the constant hostility of the Tehran regime, has no choice but to act for its survival: “the neutralization of the danger is a necessity of national security,” he emphasized, thus justifying a defensive, preventive posture against Iranian threats.

Algeria: a regime on alert, a trembling dictatorship, and active support

In his analysis, Ferhat Mehenni points the finger at Algeria, whose stance he considers indicative of a regime in a state of panic. According to him, the Algerian parliament urgently voted for a general mobilization law, a symptom of a power in crisis, tempted to rally public opinion against an external threat.

Algiers is accused of activating ideological and material support for groups hostile to Israel, notably Hamas and Hezbollah. This support is accompanied by aggressive rhetoric: Algeria has formally warned Israel against any action against Iran, and more precisely against the Revolutionary Guards. For Ferhat Mehenni, this positioning recalls the military-revolutionary postures associated with theocratic regimes.

This alarming climate, according to him, reveals a power “trembling” for its own survival: the dictatorship, fearing the slightest dissent, is stifling dissident voices and targeting Kabyle and Algerian intellectuals in particular, such as Boualem Sansal, whose trajectory symbolizes the continuous repression of free voices.

France–Algeria: mirror of a tug-of-war

Ferhat Mehenni draws a striking parallel between the Germany–France relationship of the past century and the current dynamic between France and Algeria. Algeria, according to him, is not acting as an ally: on the contrary, it takes on an air of defiance, brandishing rhetoric tinged with hostility and anti-France sentiment, or even anti-Semitism. This posture contrasts with European diplomatic restraint and reminds France of the need not to harbor illusions about Algerian intentions.

He warns in a complementary statement that the protection of crowds, the instrumentalization of civilians, or the fabrication of a facade of popular consensus will no longer suffice to protect those who oppress. “Human shields and hostage peoples are no longer a protection for dictators. Surgical strikes are of such precision that the criminals in power will be neutralized one by one without having to resort to mass slaughter.”

France still struggles to see clearly through Algeria’s murky game. While Paris persists in appeasing an authoritarian power, the latter is preparing for confrontation. According to several converging signals—militarized speeches, parliamentary mobilization, bellicose rhetoric—Algiers is positioning itself as a regime waging a covert war against France, blamed for all colonial ills, and against Morocco, its historical rival. Behind the speeches on sovereignty and memory, a strategy of confrontation is taking shape, inherited from revolutionary and pan-Arabist doctrines. The Algerian regime dreams of a Maghreb under its thumb, purged of democratic or monarchical influences, ready to fight the former colonizers and the partners of the United States or Israel.

This disturbing mirror must alert Paris: Algeria is not seeking regional dominance through balance, but through intimidation. To ignore this reality is to run the risk of finding oneself confronted one day not with a diplomatic crisis, but with a frontal clash.

The recent attempt at a “Maghrebi convoy for Gaza” launched from Tunisia and Algeria, stopped dead in its tracks by Egypt, speaks volumes about regional fractures. This Egyptian refusal does not stem solely from a tactical alliance: it is part of a deep-seated memory. Egyptians, like the ancient peoples of the Nile Valley—descendants of the Opets, sons of Ptah—embody a tradition of refuge and resistance to conquering Islamism. North Africa, in its millenary essence, was a haven for exiled peoples—Jews, Christians, Phoenicians—and could once again become a pillar of balance, an ally of free peoples against totalitarian ideologies. This Egyptian refusal of Islamist escalation recalls that the region’s true heritage is not that of jihad, but that of civilization, hospitality, and coexistence.

The blocking of this Islamist march is not a mere logistical incident: it is a symbolic slap in the face to aspiring dictators, regimes that manipulate popular emotion to justify war, and those who seek to impose a falsified vision of history. It also serves as a stinging reminder of the imposture of a “Palestinian people” forged by pan-Arab propaganda, lacking historical continuity or authentic sovereignty, opposed to millenary nations like Israel, Egypt, or even Kabylie—all rooted in a civilizational heritage that Islamist totalitarianism attempts to erase.

Egypt was once a refuge for Kabyles and other Amazighs persecuted by successive Arab conquests. When the Umayyad armies ravaged North Africa, destroying centuries of autonomous Berber culture, many resistance fighters found shelter in the Nile Valley. Christian Egypt, then Muslim but pluralistic, managed at various times to welcome Kabyle populations fleeing arabization and political Islam. This sanctuary role, inscribed in the tradition of the ancient peoples of Egypt, reappears in Cairo’s current attitude.

Kabyles: diaspora, liberty, identity

In this agitated international context, Ferhat Mehenni positions the Kabyle diaspora as a bastion of modernity and freedom. Largely favorable to Israel, galvanized by democratic ideals and the right to self-determination, it embodies a break with authoritarian regimes.

As a counterpoint, the president of the Anavad issues a warning: certain Kabyle factions—islamized and under Arabist influence—risk falling into an ideological schism, adopting the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as their battlehorse, in defiance of a distinct and millenary identity path anchored in Kabyle history.

Mehenni strongly calls on all democratic forces—Kabylie, the diaspora, France, Israel, the free world—to unite against what he terms “islamo-revolutionary expansionism.” In his eyes, the defense of Israel in its fight for survival is inseparable from the fight against regional dictatorships. Kabylie, he says, cannot remain neutral: it must affirm its legitimacy and resolutely enroll in the camp of freedom, secularism, justice, and the sovereignty of peoples.

The fate of non-islamized and non-aligned Kabyles opposed to an Arab-Islamic Maghrebi vision is currently extremely vulnerable in France. These men and women, often attached to secularism, democracy, and their distinct Amazigh identity, find themselves in a situation similar to that of the Jews of France in the past: foreigners in their own society, suspected because of their origin, excluded by their non-conformity. With one fundamental difference: Jews have Aliyah, the ultimate refuge in Israel. Kabyles have no promised land, no natural asylum. In the event of civil war, social fracture, or the rise of radical Islamism, they would become targets with no port of call. This identity precariousness should alert France.

In this configuration, a moral and spiritual imperative emerges: not to be among the “seventy prophetic nations” that will one day rise up against Israel. Refusing alignment with Amalekite regimes or peoples—the destroyers of freedom, the deniers of Hebrew history—becomes a requirement of political ethics. For Kabyles, this also means rejecting the Palestinian prism imposed by Arab-Islamism as the sole reference point.

More broadly, we must dream—and work—towards a return to a friendly Persia: the one that once freed the Jews from the Babylonian yoke under Cyrus, rather than the one threatening them under the Ayatollahs. This dream extends to all of North Africa: liberated from state Arab-Islamism, reconciled with its Amazigh, Jewish, Christian, and free foundations, this region could finally become a strategic, cultural, and ethical partner of a new democratic and regional Israel, oriented towards progress and peace.

The Kabyle voice on the front line

In these troubled times, Ferhat Mehenni makes an assertive and lucid Kabyle voice heard: that of a people aspiring to freedom, fraternal with democracies, and opposed to authoritarianism and religious totalitarianism. His message is clear: facing Algerian authoritarianism, the response is not only diplomatic but civil, civic, and identitarian. The time has come, according to him, for Kabylie to take its place among free nations.

Ferhat Mehenni’s statement

Israel has long faced the strategic threat of Iran. Faced with persistent ideological and military hostility, the neutralization of the danger has emerged as a necessity of national security.

France, for its part, seems to adopt the reverse posture regarding Algeria: an authoritarian regime that no longer contents itself with threatening its neighbors, but develops increasingly provocative rhetoric towards Paris.

Algeria does not stop there. Today, it is the sole regime in North Africa to have warned Israel against any preventive action towards the Islamic Republic of Iran, thus displaying a blatant anti-Semitic alignment. Its power is the cousin of that of the mullahs, from whom it borrows terror against society and the desire to acquire nuclear weapons against its neighbors.

Meanwhile, Algiers continues to repress dissident voices and stifle fundamental freedoms. The fate it reserved for Boualem Sansal and Kabyle political activists is an edifying example.

Faced with this reality, Kabylie reaffirms its solidarity with all those who, around the world, defend freedom, democracy, human dignity, and peace. Our commitment is unequivocal alongside those who refuse state terror and authoritarianism, starting with free nations like Israel, the United States, France, and the entire democratic world.

We, Kabyles, believe in a future founded on freedom, justice, and the sovereignty of peoples, including our own. We are ready to take our full place alongside those working for a freer and more humane world.

Yufitran
Yufitran
Articles: 96